Understanding Botswana’s Horticulture: Profit Dynamics Explained


From P5 beetroot to a P40 plate—why profits “move but don’t grow” without a coordination spine.


When the Butterfly Sneezes: The Unseen Players in Botswana’s Food System


🌾 Farmer’s Voice — A Passion of Hope

“Once we finish planting, the imports come in. Prices drop to P3 a kilo.
We can’t dodge the same old crops — cabbage, tomato, butternut — and tunnels cost over P90 000.
Try niche crops, they say, but even herbs and radish sell for cents.
Retailers buy my produce at P3 and sell at P4–P20.
When will we ever break even?”
Farmer, Botswana (2025)

Inside this lament is not anger but a map of a missing system.
He is describing an uncoordinated market where imports collide with local harvests, costs outrun prices, and data never travels between field, retailer, and policy desk.
It is the voice of someone working hard within a structure that works against him — what he calls “a passion of hope.”
That hope deserves a system strong enough to hold it.


The thread flares up with emotion. Dozens of voices add their experiences — the weather, the labour costs, the diesel bills, the price of packaging. Some call for subsidies, others for stricter import bans. Others say forget the local market. Go the way of exports. This conversation happens repeatedly in farmer groups. It occurs month after month. Every time a price thread catches fire, the discussion resurfaces.

And yet, hidden inside those messages is a larger pattern — one that rarely gets named. Farmers argue about prices. However, the real leverage lies elsewhere. It is in the soil beneath them. It is in the productivity of the labour beside them. It is also in the structure of the state above them.

It is easy to think that solving the farmer’s problem begins with the farmer. But economics tells us otherwise: the points of highest leverage in a system are usually the least obvious.

Our farmers’ frustration is real. However, the forces that shape it are mostly invisible. This encompasses the movement of data between ministries. It also involves the management of soil biology, the training of labour, and the sustenance of coordination. The pain of one player in the system often begins in the silence of another.

This article quantifies each layer, shows the ripple when farm-gate rises, and identifies the leverage points that actually grow profit.


Three Learning from This Study

These three learning define the real work ahead. It is the work that, if we take care of it, will make these circular farmer–retailer–caterer conversations unnecessary. They form the foundation for the next phase of Botswana’s agricultural and economic development.


1. Reduce Production Costs to Global Competitive Levels

Our first task is to bring our unit production costs down from P5.50–P6.20 to around P3.00/kg, matching China’s cost base.

That P2.00 difference is significant. It represents a full P2 profit margin per kilogram of beetroot (and comparable crops). This margin currently leaks away in inefficiency.
We can only achieve this through regenerative practices, precise data coordination, and investment in mechanisation where it matters.

Outcome: Lower costs mean higher margins for farmers without raising consumer prices — the hallmark of a mature, competitive system.


2. Confront Productivity Honestly and Set National Targets for Labour

Our workers are not underpaid — they are undirected.

The value of their pay is being eroded not by exploitation, but by inflation born from low productivity.

We must stop pretending otherwise. We should begin publishing comparative productivity data. This data shows how Botswana’s average agricultural worker performs in kilograms per hour against peers in China, Malaysia, and India.

Then, set measurable targets:

  • Increase output per labour-hour by 20% within 3 years,
  • Match Malaysia’s productivity by year 7,
  • Halve the labour cost per kilogram by year 10.

Outcome: Higher real wages are built on productivity, not inflation. The workforce knows exactly what “competing globally” means in numbers, not slogans.


3. Rebuild the Country’s STEM Foundations Early

Here’s a clear and grounded explanation that moves step by step from STEM → Efficiency → Productivity → Prosperity.


🌱 a. STEM builds understanding — not just knowledge

STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics) teaches people how things work — not just what to do.

That shift in understanding is crucial.

  • Science helps workers grasp cause and effect (e.g., soil chemistry, pest cycles, plant physiology).
  • Technology provides the tools to measure, automate, and communicate those effects.
  • Engineering applies design thinking — how to improve irrigation, logistics, or packaging systems.
  • Mathematics enables measurement, optimization, and decision-making (costs, yields, probabilities, scaling).

Together, these disciplines cultivate systemic awareness — people start seeing connections, feedback, and waste.
And once you see inefficiency, you can eliminate it.

🔍 Efficiency begins the moment a person can measure and model reality accurately.


⚙️ b. Efficiency is the visible expression of STEM in action

Efficiency simply means achieving more output for the same or fewer inputs — time, money, energy, or labour.

STEM translates into efficiency in concrete ways:

STEM AreaPractical Impact on EfficiencyExample in Agriculture
ScienceUnderstanding soil, plant, and climate interactionsFarmers apply the right nutrients at the right time instead of over-fertilising.
TechnologyMechanisation, sensors, digital toolsMoisture sensors save 30% of water and improve yield by 10%.
EngineeringBetter designs, less frictionEfficient irrigation pumps reduce energy use by 20%.
MathematicsTracking costs, yields, and trendsFarmers identify unprofitable crops before planting.

🌾 Efficiency isn’t about working harder — it’s about working with reality instead of against it.


📈 c. Productivity is efficiency multiplied by scale

When efficiency becomes consistent and repeatable across many workers or farms, it turns into productivity.

  • Efficiency is doing things right.
  • Productivity is doing the right things, consistently, across the system.

STEM allows workers to perform better individually. It also helps them coordinate through shared data. They use standardised measurements and continuous feedback.

That coordination is what lets a country like China keep unit labour costs low even when wages rise. Every worker is plugged into an information-rich system. This system amplifies output.

🚀 Efficiency makes individuals productive. Coordination makes nations productive.


💰 d. Productivity creates wealth — sustainably

When workers produce more per hour:

  • Wages can rise without raising prices (because output per worker increases).
  • Borrowing costs drop (because the economy produces more value per unit of debt).
  • Inflation falls (because supply keeps pace with demand).
  • The nation grows without subsidies.

That’s why improving STEM education and data coordination in agriculture isn’t an “education policy” — it’s a macroeconomic strategy.

It turns a P5.50/kg farm cost into P3.50/kg not through subsidy, but through mastery.
It converts labour from a cost line into a competitive advantage.

🌍 STEM turns energy into knowledge, knowledge into efficiency, and efficiency into national resilience.


In short

StageQuestionAnswer
STEMHow do we understand the system?Through science, data, and reasoning.
EfficiencyHow do we reduce waste?By measuring, predicting, and designing better.
ProductivityHow do we grow sustainably?By scaling efficiency across people and systems.

By the time a child reaches tertiary education, it is too late to correct what was never built.
The state must raise the mathematical and scientific literacy of its entire school population, not just the top students.

Our national benchmark must focus on improving Botswana’s average school grades in maths and science. We aim to match the global leaders — Germany, Japan, China, India, and Singapore.

This shift will not just improve education outcomes. It will reset the country’s entire productivity curve. This change will influence how farmers measure yields. It will affect how engineers design systems. Additionally, it will shape how policymakers use data.

Outcome: A generation equipped not only to work harder, but also to think structurally. This creates the muscle memory that drives nations forward.


In summary

1️⃣ Lower costs through coordination and regenerative discipline.
2️⃣ Lift productivity through data transparency and measurable labour goals.
3️⃣ Rebuild national STEM capacity from the classroom upward.

These three actions will work together. They will reduce the noise and emotion of our current debates. Frustration will be replaced with focus. Short-term fixes will be replaced with long-term learning.


Bridging Forward

These three learning give us a compass.

They show where the real work lies. It is not in louder debates over prices or subsidies. It is in building structural strength where it has quietly eroded: cost efficiency, productivity, and foundational education.

The rest of this article explores the data and reasoning that bring these points to life.
It follows a single, ordinary beetroot as it travels from soil to plate. It traces how profit behaves and where it leaks. The journey also examines what happens when we add coordination, regeneration, and STEM capacity back into the system.

From the farmer’s field to the nation’s policy tables, every section connects a visible frustration to its invisible cause.

Together, they reveal why Botswana’s horticulture will only mature when learning, labour, and leadership align.


Table of Contents

When the Butterfly Sneezes – The unseen players in Botswana’s food system

Part A – The Ripple Effect: From the Farmer’s P 5 Beetroot to the P 40 Plate
 2.1 An Economic Observation
 2.2 Tracing the True Cost of a Beetroot: From Farm to Plate
  a. End Consumer – The Office Meal Plate
  b. Caterer – Turning Raw Beetroot into a Side Dish
  c. Retailer – The Hidden Middle Costs
  d. Farmer – The Starting Point
  e. The Complete Chain – Costs per kg of Beetroot
  f. What the Data Shows
  g. The Systemic Insight
 2.3 The Baseline System – When the Farm-Gate Price is P 5/kg
 2.4 When the Farmer Raises Price from P 5 to P 8/kg
 2.5 Comparative Margins Summary
 2.6 Where the Ripples Come From
 2.7 Structural Insight – Movement without Prosperity
 2.8 Bridge to Part B – Raising Productivity and Coordination

Part B – When the Butterfly Sneezes: The Unseen Players in Botswana’s Food System
 3.1 The Quiet Cause Behind the Farmer’s Cry
 3.2 Comparative Farming Economics – Conventional, Organic and Regenerative
 3.3 Labour Productivity and Cost – Botswana, Malaysia and China
 3.4 What Happens When Botswana Combines Regeneration with STEM and NHCS
 3.5 The Seven Players – and the Three We Forget
 3.6 Closing – When the Butterfly Sneezes

Core Takeaway – Changing how we see ourselves in the system


Part A: The Ripple Effect — From the Farmer’s P 5 Beetroot to the P 40 Plate

1. An economic observation

A kilogram of beetroot may seem like a simple commodity. Yet inside that red root is the entire economy of a nation. Six players each shape one another and are shaped by each other. When the farmer lifts her price by a few pula, it affects retailers and caterers. It impacts consumers and labourers. The state is also influenced by this change.

In a well-coordinated system, those ripples dampen quickly. In a disjointed one, they echo back and forth until everyone feels poorer.


Tracing the True Cost of a Beetroot: From Farm to Plate

Understanding why beetroot sells for P20/kg in retail requires unpacking every layer between soil and spoon. The farmer earns only P4–5/kg.

Contrary to the common assumption that retailers “keep the profit,” the real story is quite different. It involves cost absorption and system inefficiency rather than greed.


a. End Consumer – The Office Meal Plate

  • Plate price: ~P40 per meal.
  • Beetroot portion: ~100 g cooked (≈150 g raw).
  • Plates per kg raw beetroot: 6–7.
  • Value of beetroot portion: ~P6–7 per plate.

➡️ Effective consumer cost: ≈P40/kg equivalent of beetroot once it is part of a full plated meal.

Summary:
For the consumer, beetroot is not seen as a costly ingredient. It forms only one side of a balanced plate. Yet at P40/kg equivalent, the same vegetable has multiplied eightfold from the farmer’s original P5/kg sale.

Punchline: Consumers don’t see the strain because they see only the plate, not the chain.


b. Caterer – Turning Raw Beetroot into a Side Dish

  • Retail purchase price: ≈P20/kg.
  • Cooking shrinkage: ~30 % (1 kg raw → 700 g cooked).
    • Effective ingredient cost: P28–29/kg cooked.
  • Additional operating costs:
    • Cooking oil, vinegar, spices, gas/power: P4–5/kg.
    • Preparation labour (washing, peeling, cooking, cutting): P5–6/kg.
    • Delivery/logistics: P2–3/kg.
  • Total cost to caterer: ≈P38/kg cooked beetroot.

Summary:
At P38/kg, caterers are already operating near breakeven against a P40/kg recovery from the plate price.
Even a small rise in the farm-gate or retail price erases their profit entirely.
This is why caterers appear “price-sensitive”: they have no slack left in their margin.

Punchline: Caterers run on fumes; tiny upstream increases wipe out margin.


c. Retailer – The Hidden Middle Costs

  • Buying price from farmers: P4–5/kg.
  • Breakdown of additional costs (per kg of final retail price P20):
    • Transport from farm: P2 (≈10 %)
    • Cold storage, handling, and spoilage: P3–4 (15–20 %)
    • Store rent, energy, staff, packaging, compliance, shrinkage: P6–7 (30–35 %)
    • Net profit margin: P3–4 (15–20 %)

➡️ Real retailer profit: ≈P3/kg — not P16.

Summary:
What appears to be a wide gap between the farm and the shelf is mostly overhead.
Retailers operate on thin real profits while shouldering refrigeration, electricity, salaries, and spoilage losses.

If it were easy or profitable for farmers to sell directly, many would have done so long ago. Many would have seen 10-20,000 customers walk through their gates each day.
Retailing is a different business — capital-intensive, compliance-heavy, and risky.

Punchline: The “P15 gap” is mostly overhead and risk, not profit.


d. Farmer – The Starting Point

Typical production costs for small to medium beet farms in Botswana:

Cost ItemRange (P/kg)
Seeds & inputs0.80 – 1.20
Fertiliser & soil preparation0.80 – 1.00
Irrigation, energy & water0.60 – 0.80
Labour0.80 – 1.00
Harvesting & packaging0.50 – 0.80
Farm overheads0.50 – 0.70
Total Cost Range3.50 – 5.50

Summary:
At a selling price of P4–5/kg, farmers are operating at or below cost depending on yield.
This leaves no room for reinvestment in irrigation, labour, or expansion — keeping farms small and fragile.

Punchline: At P4–5/kg, farmers are at/under cost—no reinvestment cushion.


e. The Complete Chain – Costs per kg of Beetroot

LayerInput / Base Cost (P/kg)Selling Price (P/kg)Approx. Profit (P/kg)Notes
Farmer3.5 – 5.54 – 5≈ 0–0.5Breaks even at best.
Retailer4 – 520≈ 3Real profit ≈ 15 %; bulk absorbed by overhead.
Caterer (cooked)20 raw → 38 cooked40 (plate equivalent)≈ 2Extremely tight margin.
Consumer40Sees only final plate price, not the cumulative chain.

f. What the Data Shows

Retailers are not “keeping” P16/kg.
Most of that margin evaporates into transport, electricity, staff, and spoilage.

Farmers sell at or below cost.
They absorb biological risk without a financial buffer.

Caterers operate on fumes.
Their entire P40 plate price barely covers cooked beetroot costs once prep and logistics are included.

Consumers perceive stability, not strain.
They see the P40 meal, not the imbalanced structure behind it.

Punchline: Movement without prosperity.


g. The Systemic Insight

Every link is absorbing inefficiency because no national coordination spine connects them.

  • Farmers plant without market signals.
  • Retailers import unpredictably to fill gaps.
  • Caterers pay for inconsistency with higher costs.
  • Consumers face quiet inflation hidden inside the meal price.

Without coordination, the entire chain functions like a series of disconnected pumps. Each builds its own pressure. None drives flow.

In short:

The beetroot doesn’t cost too little at the farm or too much on the plate. It costs exactly what an uncoordinated system produces. This includes high effort, low reward, and invisible waste.


2. The Baseline System — When the Farm-Gate Price Is P 5/kg

Assumptions: 1 ha = 40 tons yield. Farmer production cost ≈ P 5/kg.

LayerInput Cost (P/kg)Ops & Handling (P/kg)Revenue (P/kg)Profit (P/kg)Margin (%)Commentary
Farmer5.005.00≈ 0.000 %Sells at cost; no cushion for loss or reinvestment.
Retailer5.0015.00 (transport + storage + staff + shrink + margin)20.003.0015 %Margin looks high but includes spoilage risk and unionised labour.*
Caterer (cooked)20.00 (raw)18.00 (cooking shrink + ingredients + labour + delivery)38.002.005 %Runs on thin margins; relies on volume.
Consumer (plate)38.00 (cost/kg cooked beet)2.00 (service + profit)40.00Pays P 40 for a full meal; beetroot one side dish.

Observation: Every layer is working, few are thriving. The system produces movement, not prosperity.

Although the spread between farm-gate and retail looks like a P15 margin, only about P3 /kg is actual profit.

*The rest — roughly P12 /kg — is consumed by transport, cold-storage energy, rent, packaging, spoilage, unionised wages, taxes, and compliance costs.

If selling direct were truly easy for farmers, many would have become retailers long ago. They would be seeing 10-20,000 customers walk through their doors daily. But retailing is a capital-intensive, risk-heavy business with constant overheads and perishable losses.

What appears as a profit gap is actually a reflection of two kinds of risk. One is biological risk on the farm. The other is logistical risk in the marketplace. Both need to be managed, not merely priced.


Punchline: When value chains lack coordination, profit behaves like water on an uneven table. It moves, but it doesn’t grow.


3. When the Farmer Raises Price from P 5 → P 8/kg

Farm-gate increase = +60 %. Each player reacts in turn.

LayerPrev Input (P/kg)New Input (P/kg)Ops & Handling (P/kg)New Revenue (P/kg)Profit (P/kg)Δ MarginCommentary
Farmer5583+60 % gainShort-term relief; higher gross but may lose buyers.
Retailer5815233–2 ptsPasses cost downstream; absorbs some shrink.
Caterer (cooked)202321440–5 ptsMargins collapse; must raise plate price.
Consumer (plate)4046–4846–48Faces +15–20 % inflation on meal price.

Observation: Farmer’s gain (+3 P/kg) triggers +15 % retail inflation and erases caterer margin.

Punchline: Farmer gains +P3/kg, caterer margin collapses, plate inflates +15–20%.


4. Comparative Margins Summary

LayerProfit (P/kg) @ P 5Profit (P/kg) @ P 8Change (%)Winner / Loser
Farmer03+ ∞Winner (short-term)
Retailer330Neutral
Caterer20–100 %Loser
Consumer+15–20 % costLoser
SystemNet –Weaker overall

Reflection: > Profit shifted location, not magnitude. Without coordination, the system cannot create new value — it only reshuffles scarcity.

Punchline: Price hikes shift profit location; coordination grows profit magnitude.


5. Where the Ripples Come From

Every pula that changes hands carries invisible costs:

  • Retailers carry storage, energy, staff, compliance.
  • Caterers carry shrinkage, prep labour, logistics.
  • Consumers carry wage pressures and inflation anxiety.

Prices rise at the base without productivity growth or coordination. Each downstream player protects itself by passing on costs. They cut quality or reduce labour.
The system tightens like a chain under tension; every link creaks.

As Linda Booth Sweeney wrote in When a Butterfly Sneezes, small events lead to other happenings. These happenings connect in surprising ways.

In Botswana’s horticulture, a three-pula sneeze at the farm-gate can shake the whole plate.

Punchline: A three-pula sneeze shakes the whole plate.


6. The Structural Insight

What this case shows is not greed but structure.

The cry of the farmer (“I can’t survive on P 5/kg”) reflects a missing element. The cry of the caterer (“I can’t sell a P 48 plate”) is the same. Both are echoes of a need for a coordinated system. This system should balance supply, demand, logistics, and labour.

When systems are tight, prices can rise and everyone still profit.
When systems are loose, even generosity becomes inflation.

Punchline: Tight systems can absorb price moves; loose systems convert generosity into inflation.


7. Bridge to Part B — “When the Butterfly Sneezes”

Raising prices cannot make a weak system strong. Only productivity and coordination can.

In Part B, we follow this beetroot deeper into the soil. We explore how regenerative practices, labour productivity, and the state’s STEM backbone can transform cost into capacity.

In the end, the farmer’s hand is not the only factor that shapes the price of a plate. It is also the mind of a nation learning how its parts connect.


(End of Part A – The Ripple Effect)

Now, let’s move to Part B: “When the Butterfly Sneezes — The Unseen Players in Botswana’s Food System.”


Part B: When the Butterfly Sneezes — The Unseen Players in Botswana’s Food System

1. The quiet cause behind the farmer’s cry

In Part A, we saw how a farmer’s small price change at the soil surface affects the entire chain. This change inflates costs and erodes profits downstream.

Yet those ripples begin even deeper. They originate in the unseen conditions of the soil. The skills of labor play a role, alongside the coordination of the state.

Linda Booth Sweeney reminds us in When a Butterfly Sneezes that small causes can have big effects. This is especially true in systems that are already under tension.

In Botswana’s horticulture, the “sneeze” is often invisible. It includes an under-trained workforce, an uncoordinated logistics chain, and a budget released without a plan.
Each seems small; together they decide whether every player profits or barely survives.


2. Conventional, Organic, and Regenerative Farming Economics

SystemYield (t/ha)Total Cost (P/ha)Cost (P/kg)Farm-Gate Price (P/kg)Revenue (P/ha)Profit (P/ha)Profit Margin (%)Commentary
Conventional30165 0005.5–6.05.5–6.0180 00015 0008–9 %High synthetic inputs and fuel dependency; yields fluctuate with weather and pest cycles.
Organic (Certified)28210 0007.0–7.57.5–8.5224 00014 0006–8 %Conversion and audit costs; lower yield; depends on sustained premium demand.
Regenerative40190 0004.8–5.25.8–6.0240 00050 00020–22 %Inputs fall 10–25 % by Year 3; soil structure and water efficiency raise yield; most resilient long-term.

(Baseline: 1 ha beetroot, open-field, Botswana; currency = BWP.)

Punchline:

Regeneration earns more not by charging more but by wasting less.
It restores both soil and solvency.


3. Labour Productivity and Cost — Botswana, Malaysia, and China

Step 1. Setting up the context

To understand how labour costs and STEM productivity shape competitiveness in regenerative (Regen) vs conventional farming — comparing Botswana to:

China (low-wage, high-productivity, strong STEM coordination), and

A non-distant, STEM-strong peer — a country shares closer institutional and social structures with Botswana. This country has managed to integrate STEM deeply into agriculture.

📍 Suitable comparison: Malaysia

Why Malaysia?

  • Not culturally or politically “distant” (multi-ethnic, developing economy, democratic institutions).
  • Has STEM integration across education, manufacturing, and agro-technology.
  • Mid-level wages (not as cheap as China, not as high as OECD).
  • Strong public-private coordination in horticulture and food exports (e.g., Cameron Highlands vegetable clusters).
  • Realistic aspiration path for Botswana’s next 20 years.

Step 2. Approximate labour costs

CountryAverage Agricultural Wage (BWP equivalent/hr)Avg Monthly (BWP)Remarks
BotswanaP20–25/hrP4,000–5,000Labour market tight; strong unions push for steady increases; relatively low productivity/hour.
ChinaP10–12/hrP2,200–2,500Lower nominal cost, but very high labour productivity due to tech, mechanisation, STEM oversight.
MalaysiaP15–18/hrP3,000–3,600Balanced wages with higher output per worker (mechanised, digitally managed farms).

Chinese wages are half those of Botswana. However, their output per worker is often 3–4× higher. This means the unit labour cost per kg of produce ends up far lower.


Step 3. Labour cost per kg of beetroot (by system)

Let’s assume 1 hectare beetroot with ~40 tons yield (regenerative steady-state), ~30 tons (conventional).
Farm labour hours include planting, maintenance, irrigation, harvesting, grading.

Country/SystemLabour Hours/haWage (BWP/hr)Labour Cost/ha (P)Yield (tons/ha)Labour Cost/kg (P)
Botswana – Conventional1,0002222,000300.73
Botswana – Regenerative1,2002226,400400.66
China – Conventional700117,700400.19
China – Regenerative850119,350450.21
Malaysia – Conventional8001612,800350.37
Malaysia – Regenerative9501615,200420.36

🌍 Observations

Unit labour costs per kg

Botswana: ~P0.65–0.75/kg

Malaysia: ~P0.35/kg

China: ~P0.20/kg

China achieves triple the efficiency despite lower pay, due to STEM-driven mechanisation, logistics integration, and continuous R&D feedback loops.

STEM intensity equals productivity

China: tech platforms link field to market daily.

Malaysia: medium-tech, government coordination, farmer co-ops with digital traceability.

Botswana: strong individual farmer effort, but low integration — data and skills sit in silos.

Regen effect

Regenerative increases labour slightly (10–20%) but offsets through yield and soil stability.

Over time, Regen reduces unproductive labour (weed management, pest crisis responses) — smart work, not harder work.

Punchline: Productivity isn’t hand strength; it’s system clarity.


Step 4. Total cost comparison (farming system + labour + inputs)

Country/SystemTotal Cost/kg (P)Key Cost Drivers
Botswana – Conventional5.5–6.0Inputs & labour dominant, low mechanisation.
Botswana – Regenerative4.8–5.2Lower inputs, higher yield, slightly more labour.
China – Conventional2.8–3.2Scale, automation, supply-chain optimisation.
China – Regenerative3.0–3.4Balanced system with government incentives, compost integration.
Malaysia – Conventional3.8–4.2Efficient mid-cost structure, cooperative marketing.
Malaysia – Regenerative3.5–3.8Integrated supply systems, stable yields, lower loss.

Punchline: The multiplier is coherence, not cash injection.


Step 5. Interpretive insight

  • Botswana’s challenge is not wage level — it’s output per hour.
    We pay similar to Malaysia. We pay more than China. However, we produce only half the output because the STEM backbone and coordination spine are missing.
  • Regen alone is not enough. It must be coupled with STEM discipline — data, measurement, systems, integration.
  • STEM turns Regen into strategy; without STEM, Regen becomes romantic.

💡 The Takeaway

A beetroot farmer in Botswana may spend the same on wages as a farmer in Malaysia. However, they produce half as much per hectare. The difference is not the hand. It is the system guiding it. STEM is present at every level, from soil testing to national logistics.


China’s system multiplies each worker’s output through data and coordination. In contrast, our system still isolates the worker. It also isolates the farmer and the policymaker. Until we bridge that gap, we will continue to pay more per kilogram. We will earn less per hour, even though our farmers work just as hard.

Our national goal should be to bring production costs down from the current P5.50–P6.20/kg to P3.50–P3.80/kg within the first three years, and to reach P3.00–P3.40/kg beyond the third year.

By the time we arrive at those levels, others will already have lowered theirs further — because efficiency compounds. It’s what athletes and craftsmen call muscle memory. When they train their muscles to work efficiently, those muscles become faster and stronger.


Country / SystemAvg Wage (P/hr)Labour Hours/haLabour Cost/ha (P)Yield (t/ha)Labour Cost (P/kg)Total Cost (P/kg)Commentary
Botswana – Conventional221 00022 000300.735.5–6.0High wage relative to productivity; weak mechanisation and coordination.
Botswana – Regenerative221 20026 400400.664.8–5.2More labour initially, but yield compensates; creates skilled rural jobs.
Malaysia – Regenerative1695015 200420.363.5–3.8Medium wage, high STEM application; co-ops and digital traceability improve efficiency.
China – Regenerative118509 350450.213.0–3.4Low wage, strong coordination and automation; highest output per worker.

Reflection

Productivity is not the strength of the hands but the clarity of the system guiding them.
Botswana’s labour is not expensive — it is under-directed.


4. What Happens When Botswana Combines Regeneration with STEM

If Botswana’s 30 % horticulture land (≈ 3 million ha) shifted gradually toward regenerative practices under a National Horticulture Coordination System (NHCS):

Year% Regen AdoptionYield Gain (%)National Profit (BWP Bn)Change vs Status QuoCommentary
320+10126BaselineSystem still fragmented.
540+20162+36 Bn (+29 %)Early NHCS coordination; farmer mentoring; visible GDP effect.
1060+35198+72 Bn (+57 %)STEM-trained labour expands; data informs planting calendars.
2080+50234+108 Bn (+86 %)Full coordination spine; stable markets; rising rural incomes.

Reflection

When the state learns to see the system as a whole, national profits rise without raising prices.
The real multiplier is not money injected, but coherence built.


5. The Seven Players — and the Three We Forget

The painful truth is that the areas of highest leverage are often the least obvious. It is easy, as the farmer groups show each week, to toss around ideas about prices, inputs, and retail margins. Yet the power to change those pains lies elsewhere. It resides quietly in the soil. It is found in the discipline of labour and in a state that directs its STEM muscle towards agriculture.

Labour must recognize itself as more than a voice demanding fairness. It must actively participate in a global race for productivity. It is not enough to speak for higher pay when output per hour remains low. Economics cannot do miracles where labour does not first do the work itself. If productivity stalls, the entire economy suffers. Borrowing costs rise. Inflation creeps in. Every other player absorbs the shock. The wages labour receive will never be enough.

The state, meanwhile, must rediscover its long-term role as the system’s conductor. Its task is not only to distribute budgets. It must also direct STEM intentionally into agriculture. This will ensure that data, measurement, and research become daily tools of governance, not rare events.

That begins with a national shift in education. This involves playing down the dominance of non-science subjects. It also means raising the quality of mathematics and science across the board. These improvements are necessary not only for the best students but also for the average classroom. When the median student performs at the world’s upper quartile, the nation’s productivity begins to move.

In systems thinking, we say that small changes can create big results. However, finding those points of leverage is never easy. They hide in places we are least likely to look. The tip is simple: look around the room and ask who is not there. Then listen for their voices. That is where the answers often lie.


The Seven Players — and the Roles They Play

THE FORGOTTEN THREE:
The State – the unseen conductor that sets rhythm, measures, and accountability.
Labour – the hands that transform coordination into productivity. This productivity surpasses the world.
Soil – the quiet foundation; holds memory, fertility, and future yield.

WHERE WE FOCUS OUR ATTENTION:
Farmer – creates value from soil through skill and risk.
Retailer – connects that value to the market.
Caterer – translates produce into meals and employment.
Consumer – completes the loop through demand and choice.

When only the first four talk, profits fight.
When the last three join — the soil, labour, and the state — profits multiply.

In systems, the highest leverage actions are rarely found in reacting to events (e.g., “raise prices,” “import more”).

They are found in changing the relationships and information flows between parts. Soil, labour, and the state communicate and learn together.

Lesson: The “butterfly sneeze” for Botswana may not be more funding but better integration — data, training, and trust.

The system stabilises not when prices rise, but when learning, labour, and leadership align.

Punchline: When only the obvious four talk, profits fight; when soil, labour and state join, profits multiply.


6. Closing — When the Butterfly Sneezes

A small change in how we train a worker may seem trivial. Measuring soil moisture or aligning crop calendars might also seem insignificant — like a butterfly’s sneeze.
But in a fragile system, that sneeze decides whether the chain trembles or holds steady.

The path ahead is clear:

Only then will every player — farmer, retailer, caterer, consumer, labour, and state — earn enough to rest easy, together.

Core Takeaway

The deepest leverage lies not in the next policy. The real change comes from altering how people see themselves in relation to one another. It also involves helping the “silent players” (soil, labour, state) regain their voices in the story.


(End of Part B – When the Butterfly Sneezes)

🪜 Botswana’s Horticulture Value-Chain Ladder — The Seven Players

Each step adds value, risk, and responsibility. The question is not who profits most — but who holds the leverage to make the entire chain prosper.

🔁 Interdependence Summary

PlayerType of Value Added% Influence on Final CostHidden Leverage
SoilEcological~25%Regeneration & moisture retention
FarmerProduction~20%Efficiency, timing, data accuracy
RetailerDistribution~20%Cold-chain & sourcing coordination
CatererTransformation~10%Waste reduction, menu design
ConsumerDemand signal~10%Conscious purchasing, feedback
LabourProductivity~10%Skills, STEM application
StateGovernance~5% (but systemwide)Coordination, STEM, NHCS backbone

🪶 Reflection

A nation’s horticulture isn’t defined by the quantity of crops its farmers grow. Instead, it is defined by how well its seven players learn to work together.

Profit stops fighting when soil, labour, and the state are invited back into the conversation.
The rest — farmers, retailers, caterers, and consumers — can then finally share in what the system creates.


Newspaper Column #1: Is unmployment the real problem – Part I


As it appeared in the Sunday Standard, Botswana on  Sunday Oct 21, 2012 edition (maiden print).

This is the 1st of a three part series of this article.  Each part will build on the earlier article to an eventual conclusion.  We invite you to participate in the column as well as do your ‘own homework’ – searching and discussing to build your own conclusions.

When unemployment persists (hard as it is to admit it is happening)

Persistent unemployment, in any country is a consequence of two factors.

The rate of increase of supply of labour (birth rates from twenty years ago) relative to the rate of increase in the demand for labour (job creation rates of today).  In jest, it is a mismatch of rates of child creation of the past vs. rates of job creation today.

Should the rate of demand for labour exceed supply year on year; we would have full employment of the locals and perhaps be able to employ foreigners as well.  However, should supply of labour persistently outgrow demand; we would now have a classic case of persistent unemployment.

When we, as citizens, learn to watch these two behaviours of change as a nation over time then we should expect to resolve the issue of unemployment.   For good.

When we don’t, and we are oblivious to the reason, all we can expect to do is to play a catching-up game but not solve the problem.  It stays on the charts as a stubborn problem, usually on the President’s table, worsening over time.  This is, despite efforts from all quarters to run ahead of the problem or get to the root of the issue.  Not to say, we hear persistent disgruntlement amongst the locals about the lack of employment opportunities for the youth or for those employed the lack of pay rises and we harbour fears of jobs being taken away by foreigners.

So,

Sustained Growth of Supply of Labour > Sustained Growth of Demand for Labour

= Sustained Unemployment

[Insert graphic here]

These two factors are not directly related to each other, but they each

 influence unemployment, separate as they may be.

But what led things to get this far?

What causes the demand for labour to decline relative to the supply of labour?  And what causes the supply of labour to increase relative to the demand for it?

First let’s explore the supply side.

Here’s a case in example.  In the ten years to 2010, Vietnam saw its population numbers grow from 80 to 89 million.  Growth of population numbers and more typically birth and migration numbers influence the supply side of this equation.  Job creation on the other hand, did not see such levels of growth.  The result is, we see runaway unemployment in the country.

Closer to home, while, population numbers in the country do not compare anywhere close to those we see in Vietnam, still when we look beyond the overall numbers, there are interesting data that we cannot ignore.

We know the overall population numbers have grown somewhat from 1.5 to 2 million levels over a decade.  Given however, the concerns of mortality rates one may conclude that our population numbers have not really changed all that much to warrant the unemployment levels we see in the country.

But realistically … has the supply of labour declined over time?

Births rates from twenty years ago, leads to the supply of labour and therefore the unemployment numbers we see today.

When we remove population and mortality figures and see our fertility rates, we may notice that these numbers have not been all that low.  In fact, typically in most populations, each generation outnumbers the previous one.  Think of population pyramid, where the numbers of young born are in numbers greater than older persons in the population.  But also see population pyramids for more recent decades assuming wider bases than those in previous ones.

Such trends are not apparent when we gloss over overall population data.  Yes, there is migration data.  But we cannot shut our eyes to these sheer levels of increase.

Do we know by how much such numbers have grown?  In the country?  In the region?

A separate question is, when should we start noticing such increases?  Would it be when the young turn 20 years old and are now looking for a job and they complain they cannot find one?

That will be too late!

We would now instead be dealing with “a fire” in our hands.  Youth unemployment rather than employment.  Yet it really is a problem that had its embers simmering for the past 20 years.  Quietly but surely.  But we were not watching it, till the embers had blown over and we now have a fire in our hands.  At this point, we say, we have a problem.  A burning platform.  But the signs were long there.  If we push this now, the system will push back.

Ok it has not.  And … has the demand for labour increased by such levels during this period?

If it has, we should not see sustained unemployment.  This is indicative that the demand for labour has not matched such levels.

How much has it increased by?  Perhaps more importantly, how much would it need to increase by?  Two-folds?  Six-folds?  What do you see are the answers?  What is making it difficult to get there?

Interestingly, should we think carefully about both sides of the equation, that is, the jobs and the children we create are influenced by the same segment of the population.  The Adults.

While perhaps we may argue that these’ activities are carried out’ by different sub-segments of the adult population, it is still the sole prerogative of this group.  The problem may not belong to any one part of this group, i.e. government or private sector or families.  That sounds like the bad news.  That it was our fault (in any generation).  But the good news is if we created the problem, then we also have the ‘power’ in our hands and in our hearts to turn it around (yes, even as a citizen) for the nation.  Together.

So is unemployment, still the real problem?  How do you see this issue?  Go forward another twenty years from now.  What would these trends look like then?

Yes, you are right given this, the reality looks painful for our children too.  But I also know, if anyone can turn this around, it is us!

The 2nd and 3rd articles in this three part series will appear in the next edition of this column.   It will seek to explore the story of the demand and supply sides of labour respectively more deeply and what causes them to either grow or decline over time.

END

#998

Countries by birth rate in 2008World map showing countries by nominal GDP per...

While this is her maiden newspaper column, Ms Sheila Damodaran is an avid writer on her blogs and website.   An international consultant in the use of systemic thinking for regional or sectoral strategy development, she welcomes feedback on her column as well as requests for types of persistent issues you wish to see discussed in her column at sheila@loatwork.com.  For more information, refer to www.loatwork.com.

Regional Article 17: Is unemployment real?


UNEMPLOYMENT = SUPPLY OF LABOUR > DEMAND FOR LABOUR

In a country, where levels of unemployment stay persistent over time, then it is a sign that the rates of growth of the supply of labour (population numbers -” child creation”) each year is growing at rates faster than the rate of growth of the demand for labor  (job creation).  And we as a nation are not noticing these two trends.  Period.

When the supply consistently outstrips demand over time, we have persistent unemployment.  It is an unhealthy situation (as we would have with when supply of manufactured goods exceeds their demand we would have a drop in prices, when supply of rainfall exceeds demand for water, we have  rising water levels, when supply of migrant influx exceeds rate of city planning we have slums, and so on).  Unemployment is a function of how these two variables are behaving relative to each other.  Period.

And should the problem be led by the supply of labour, we need to be realistic to expect that the demand for labour (be they by job vacancies by the private (employment) or the government sectors (education, employment) will grow fast enough to overtake and get rid of the state unemployment in the country.  Seeing scenes of citizens walking the streets looking for jobs is here to stay.  Period.  Again.

What influences the supply of labor?

The rate of supply of labour is influenced by the rate of the population’s growth (i.e. procreation).  The only issue is the supply we see today of twenty and thirty-year olds in the labour market, was set into motion twenty or thirty years ago.  By the population.  The children born then have today become the youth and labour of today …. and therefore today’s unemployment.

In most cases, the populace do not see the relationship of the birth-rates of yesteryears (well pretty much like what happens between the sheets and the timing of births) and much less so their impacts on the labor supply for tomorrow.  It is and is likely to stay “unrelated” in our minds for as long as these inter-relationships are not raised and discussed by all.  Instead, our mind replaces that (“vacuüm in our) thought by fears of our survival or security for our future should “if “the one, two or three” dies or moves away tomorrow?” (this is the voice of the grandmother in the lesser developed  countries).  So, we multiply … mindlessly.

But there is a misconception and it is unfortunate!

Supply does not drive the demand for labour.  This  means, that ‘should there be excess labour’, it is not to say that the demand for labour should go up.  It could go up for compassionate reasons but not on economic grounds.  We forget that in reality, it is the demand for labour that drives its supply.  Period.

What influences the demand for labour?

I sometimes joke, it is often easier to “create children” than it is to “create jobs”.   But in both cases,  the “jobs” are done by the “same person” – Adults.  So well, how is it then that we do not see how we are attempting to solve a problem we have created by our own volition?

Also the mind that ‘looks for a job’ for oneself to feed my children, is not the mind that learns to ‘create jobs’ for others, including for our children.

So it is the fault of the ‘bosses’ for not creating jobs, or the ‘fault of the rest of us’ for not thinking about creating jobs for others (while we are busy trying to find one for ourselves)?

What influences our ability to create  jobs?

It is dependent on the propensity by the same adults of the country to grow the economy, i.e. the private sector.  It includes us defining the ability of the country (and sector / industries) to see :

  1. Capital, flow into the economy (and not the family only)
  2. Increase of the economy’s revenue and
  3. Reduction in the costs of running the economy
  4. Diversification of the economy (systemic growth)
As the margin between the two widens, so to does the country’s / industry’s capacity to see:
  1. Creation of further posts for existing employees to progress into
  2. With progression of existing employees in moving to higher level jobs, it leaves the posts vacant for younger entrants (youths) to more easily enter the labour market
  3. More likelihood of higher wages increase across the board for all

This is dependent on the systemic development (what diversification could look like) of the economy, e.g. the story of the dairy milk production.

So, is this just a case of “not enough jobs”?  Yes? Given what?  We would need to complete the sentence … for everyone!

  1. What should we be doing today to solve the problem of  unemployment?  Who is the ‘we’?  The government?  The private sector?  The public sector?  The citizens?  The male or the man (the demand for labour?)?  The female or the woman (the supply of labour?)?
  2. What, in your view, would  citizens need to understand about these realities before they begin ‘discussions about unemployment’ in the country and to figure their own ways to turn the situation around?
  3. When should we be thinking about the solution to the problem?  When we create the problem or when the problem leads us to another problem?

What are the roles of the wife, mother and the man in turning these situations around?

Which role as a woman does she have an impact on the growing the demand for labour?

Which role does she have an impact on growing the supply of labour?  What is motivating her?

What roles are the men play in each of their relationships with these women?  As the son or the man?

Which role of the man helps grow the demand for labour (job creation) in the economy?

As the son or the man?

But this reasoning almost also begs the question, what were we doing when ‘the spark’ sparked the problem?

Sleeping, you say?

Ahh ….. SURE!

World map showing countries by nominal GDP per...

unemployment rate

English: unemployement rates in OECD countries...
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Population, Landscape, and Climate Estimates, ...
Population, Landscape, and Climate Estimates, v3: Population Density 1990, Africa (Photo credit: SEDACMaps)

Global: Settlement Points
Global: Settlement Points (Photo credit: SEDACMaps)